The Supreme Court in the Constitution
מתוך אתר 'חוקה בהסכמה רחבה' של וועדת חוקה חוק ומשפט, כנסת ישראל.
|
[עריכה] Article 1: Judicial Power
[עריכה] Articles 1(a) and 1(b): Judicial powerAre the religious courts independent of the judicial system? Religious tribunal independence from the Supreme Court Proposed draft: equal status for the various courts The prohibition on establishing a court for a particular case [עריכה] Article 2: Independence of the Judiciary
Article 2: Independence of the Judiciary [עריכה] Article 3: Public access to the proceedings
Debate in the special and religious tribunals must be public as well [עריכה] Article 4: Appointment of judges
The speakers agreed there was no reason to make sweeping changes in the judicial nomination procedures, and preferred to retain the current system. [עריכה] Israel must adopt recruitment and selection methods in the nomination of judgesProf. Ron Shapira presented his stance on the nomination of judges. Shapira pointed out the shortcomings of the current method which, he explained, does not promise the excellence of judicial candidates. He suggested implementing the findings from Human Resources studies on recruitment in other realms. Shapira expressed the belief that ensuring representation of minority groups in the Supreme Court (e.g. an Arab justice, a religious justice, etc.) is insufficient; rather, the importance lies in ensuring a broad spectrum of views in Supreme Court decisions. Proposed draft: Establishing in the constitution the requirement to establish in law the procedures of the Judges’ Nomination Committee In an effort to advance the transparency of the Judges’ nomination committee, Prof. Shapira and Prof. Ze’ev Segal of Tel Aviv University suggested the constitution include an article authorizing the legislator to establish in law working procedures for the Nominations’ Committee, recruitment methods, and other relevant procedural details. Such a article is necessary in light of the fact that the Committee is currently permitted to decide its own working procedures and may release the details of its considerations to the public, or not, at its own discretion. The committee agreed to prepare one possible draft in this spirit. [עריכה] Article 5: Nationality
Prerequisite for a judge - Israeli citizenship Is dual citizenship an obstacle to fair judging? MKs Avraham Ravitz, Haim Oron (Meretz) and Eti Livni (Shinui) proposed that, in light of the trend of globalization and multiplicity of citizenship, a candidate to be a judge in a court or religious tribunal should not be disqualified simply because he or she holds dual citizenship. Should the requirement of citizenship be included in the constitution or in ordinary legislation? The Committee agreed that while this stipulation must be included in the constitution when it applies to candidates for the Knesset, since it restricts the fundamental right to be elected , the same does not apply to the case of judges. Instead the Committee agreed to come up with a formula whereby the constitution empowers ordinary legislation to restrict the right to be nominated as a judge in that regard. [עריכה] Article 6: Declaration of allegiance
The declaration shall be reworded to reflect the changes decided upon in other meetings of the Committee regarding other offices’ oaths (judiciary, executive, president). [עריכה] Article 7: Period of service
Is there justification for a different retirement age for judges? [עריכה] Article 8: Retired judge
The fear that appointing a retired judge will impose on the independence of the judiciary The Committee discussed the threat posed by nomination of retired judges for judicial roles, be it actual or apparent harm to judiciary independence. This fear arises in instances in which a retired just is asked to return for judicial roles for a limited period with the option of an extension; the particular fear is that the judge may be tempted to consider the effect of his judgments on the chances for extension of his appointment. Retired judges sit on municipal benches MKs Michael Eitan and Ronnie Bar-On (Likud) brought up the worrying example of a retired judge sitting on a local municipal court, in which case there may arise a conflict of interests wherein the municipality over which he or she presides pays the salary. Judge Dan Arbel, Chief Administrator of the Courts, replied that the municipality does not pay the judges directly, but rather transfers the budget to the Court Administration The growing practice of employing retired judges Chief Administrator of the Courts Judge Dan Arbel submitted figures to the Committee indicating that 39 retired judges are currently employed, mostly on parole boards, small claims courts, and quasi-judicial administrative committees acting as administrative tribunals (e.g. the Ministry of Defense committee for recognition of the handicapped). Due to the heavy load on the courts, the Court Administration intends to expand the practice of employing retired judges as active judges in the regular court system. The Committee considered the concept of temporarily reappointing retired judges ("Shofet amit") similar to the American model. Judge Arbel pointed out that retired judges who return to the bench are bound by the same code of ethics that bound them before their retirement, which may serve to offset the fears outlined above of undermining the judicial independence. The agreement: to allow in principle the nomination of a retired judge The Committee decided to retain the constitutional anchor in order to make it possible to consider the temporary reappointment of retired judges in the future, including in small claims and local municipal courts. As far as administrative courts and parole boards were concerned, the Committee decided that in any case the constitution does not discuss these bodies and so the directives for employing a retired judge in one of these bodies can be left to regular legislation. [עריכה] Articles 9 and 10: Restriction on re-posting and salary and benefits
Purpose of the directives: safeguarding judicial independence The directives regarding re-posting and altering benefits are intended to safeguard judicial independence and avoid the possibility of harassing judges indirectly by moving, demoting, reducing salary, or otherwise affecting the terms of their service. Should these directives be in the constitution or in ordinary legislation? The Committee debated several options:
Option 1: The constitution shall include both the principle of judicial independence and a detailing of typical instances The Committee considered the advantages of including in the constitution specific and clear examples of the sort of infringement on judicial independence that will not be tolerated, including infringing judicial independence through "technical" means. However, they noted, the level of detail in this article must roughly match that of the remainder of the constitution, in the interests of consistence and to avoid incorrect interpretation of the text in the future. Option 2: The constitution shall include a broad principle safeguarding judicial independence Yehoshua Shofman, the Deputy Attorney-General for Legislative Affairs, expressed the belief that the constitution should define a broad prohibition of impinging on judicial independence according to which "no decision shall be made substantively infringing on the judge’s functioning." Future legislation shall then be tested against this principle. Prof. Zamir suggested an alternative formula: "A judge’s status and independence shall be safeguarded from impairment from any other authority." Option 3: The constitution shall include only basic principles MKs Haim Oron and Avraham Ravitz claimed that since the constitution should comprise only basic principles, a statement of the principle of judicial independence is sufficient, and the remainder of the relevant directives will derive from that. Option 4: The constitution should establish the details surrounding a judge’s salary Judge Dan Arbel, Chief Administrator of the Courts, opined that the directives of article 10 (which establishes that the Knesset rather than the Ministry of Finance shall decide the judges’ salaries) should remain in the constitution. This would safeguard the separation of powers, limiting the ability of the executive branch to pressure the judiciary by lowering its salaries. However, this does not preclude structural changes to the salary and working conditions of judges in the future. The Committee decided to prepare several possible drafts on these articles. [עריכה] Article 11
The committee decided to relegate this to the Courts Law. [עריכה] Article 12: Criminal proceedings against judges
The directive’s purpose: avoiding harming the judges The issue of criminal proceedings against a judge and in particular opening an investigation must be carefully monitored to protect judges. For this reason the Attorney-General must approve the initiation of any criminal proceedings against a judge. Should this directive be in the constitution or in ordinary law? Several Committee members believed this stipulation should be relegated to ordinary legislation. There is a similar stipulation regarding the Prime Minister (see article 17 of the Basic Law: The Government), and the Committee noted that the approach to these two should be consistent: either include both in the constitution or relegate both to regular law. The Committee decided to prepare two versions of this article for later vote. The makeup of a court trying a judge shall be left to ordinary law The committee agreed to relegate Article 12(b), specifying the makeup of a court trying an indicted judge, to ordinary legislation. [עריכה] Article 13: Disciplinary proceedings
The Committee agreed that the current level of detail should be relegated to ordinary law. However, the constitution should retain the underlying principle that disciplinary proceedings against a judge be conducted by acting or retired judges. [עריכה] Article 14: Suspension
The need for constitutional entrenchment of the authority to suspend a judge Some Committee members suggested this article could be left to regular law. However, Yehoshua Shofman pointed out that suspension actually revokes a judge’s judicial authority. Since such authority is vested in a judge by the constitution (in article 1 of the Basic Law, which also details when his term ends), the same normative status should be given to the authority to revoke judicial power by suspension. The Committee also discussed the problem involved in the fact that a single person - the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court - holds the power to suspend a judge. [עריכה] Article 15: The Supreme Court
The Supreme Court sits in Jerusalem The directive in article 15(a) that the Supreme Court shall have its seat in Jerusalem will be established generally in the context of a constitutional directive which will establish Jerusalem as the seat of all the governing authorities. The authority of Judicial and Administrative Review and the involvement of the HCJ The question arose whether, beyond substantive changes that may or may not be made to this article, the wording should remain unchanged. The language of this article, while awkward, has been the source and subject of much legal interpretation over the decades, and might best be left undisturbed. The Committee decided to hold a separate meeting on this article in the context of the authorities of the Supreme Court and the limits of judicial review and interference of the High Court of Justice (HCJ) according to the suggested draft of Basic Law: Legislation. Click here to read the committee debates on these topics, with Current and former Supreme Court Presidents Barak, Zamir, and Shamgar in attendance. [עריכה] Article 16: Other Courts
This article will be left unchanged. [עריכה] Article 17: Appeal
The question of how to entrench the right to appeal in the constitution requires serious discussion. This issue will be decided when the Committee discusses the article of the constitution dealing with rights of due process. The discussion will require a fundamental examination of the notion of appeal and of the extent of such a right, including the possibility of limiting it in appropriate cases. [עריכה] Articles 18, 19: Further hearing and retrial
Should these directives remain in the constitution, or should they be left to the Courts Law? Some of the speakers at the Committee meeting expressed the opinion that these directives are inappropriate for the constitution and preferred to see them moved to the Courts Law. However, the matter may be discussed again in the separate discussion to be held on constitutional rights of due process if there are opinions in favor of retaining the constitutional status of these articles. [עריכה] Article 20: Established rule
The independence of special courts and tribunals This article brings up the question of the relationship between the court system and the system of alternative courts and tribunals, particularly the religious courts (batei din), but also including the labour and military tribunals. The question arises whether Supreme Court decisions are binding on the special courts or whether their independence excludes them from the obligation to follow such precedent. The current text implies that the principle of binding precedent applies only to the ordinary courts defined in article 1(a) of the Basic Law: The Judiciary, and not to any batei din. Support for the independence of the Labour tribunals Committee Chairman MK Michael Eitan raised the possibility that the labour courts retain substantive independence of the regular court system and the Supreme Court. The labour tribunals are a parallel court hierarchy, at the top of which is the National Labour Tribunal, which hears appeals from the lower labour tribunals and in which the judges are expert in labour law and labour relations. Retaining this institution’s independence would mean that rulings of the National Labour Court are final, and are not subject to review or appeal by the Supreme Court. Ms. Dalit Dror, of the Ministry of Justice, said that even if the Committee decides to retain the current authority of the HCJ to intervene in National Labour Court decisions in cases where that labour court has overstepped its authority, that still constitutes a narrower extent of authority over the labour tribunals than would allowing the Supreme Court to sit at the top of the entire court system and allowing it to establish binding precedent for the labour tribunals as well. Criticism of the Supreme Court’s control of special tribunals Professor Yoram Shachar of the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya criticized the Supreme Court both verbally and in writing (Y. Shachar, "Mishkan Kemishpato," Mehkarei Mishpat 19, pp. 397, 2003), saying that for eighty years the Court sitting as the HCJ has gradually come to exercise full control over the labour and military tribunals and partial control over religious courts - by taking for itself the authority of final rulings on cases in these court systems. The Supreme Court sees itself as the forum for administrative matters as well, and has not allowed an autonomous system of administrative tribunals to develop. Despite the fact that in 2000 an administrative tribunal system was finally legislated, no one considered releasing this system from the control of the Supreme Court. Criticism: There is room enough for the voices of the special tribunals In Shachar’s opinion, the autonomy of the special tribunal system was intentionally created, in both the cases of the military tribunals and the labour tribunals, in order to enrich Israeli law with voices other than those of the Justices of the Supreme Court - voices of military officers on military matters, and that of laymen, employers, and workers in the labour court system. In practice, however, the Supreme Court rarely makes use of such outside voices. [עריכה] The independence of religious courts:Entrenching the right to be judged in a religious tribunal in the constitution MK Michael Eitan proposed entrenching in the constitution the right to be judged in a religious court (Jewish or otherwise) according to religious law, in order to safeguard the autonomy of the religious courts in matters on which religious judgment applies. Since the question of the independence of the religious courts raises complex questions concerning the relation of religion and state and the religious status quo in marriage and divorce, it was agreed that this article will be discussed at length in the context of the debate on religion and the state. [עריכה] Article 21: Registrar
The committee decided to relegate this directive to ordinary legislation. [עריכה] Article 22: Emergency regulations
The constitution shall include a general formula defending it from emergency regulations. This article will therefore be rendered unnecessary. [עריכה] Articles 23, 24: Provisions
Article 23 specifies issues that should be determined by legislation, and article 24 specifies topics to be determined in regulations and secondary legislation. Several topics from the lists here are inappropriate for mention in the constitution, and their regulations shall be established in regular law, e.g. suspension of a judge and the end of a judge’s term. These articles also raised two questions. Should the constitution detail the number of Justices on the Supreme Court? The appointment of acting judges The question of the number of Justices on the Supreme Court relates to the practice of appointing acting judges from other courts to the Supreme Court. MK Eitan and Prof. Shetreet expressed the belief that nominating acting judges to the Supreme Court threatens their judicial independence, since they are often being tried out with a chance they will subsequently be nominated to a permanent seat on the Court. Conclusion: Three versions will be prepared The issue of the number of justices on the Supreme Court and the possibility of nominating acting judges to the court will be formulated in three different versions: The express inclusion in the constitution of the number of Justices on the Supreme Court and the prohibition of nominating temporary acting judges to the Court Writing in the constitution that these issues shall be determined by ordinary law Retaining the existing situation, wherein acting judges may temporarily be nominated to the Supreme Court. An empirical test: is judicial independence acting judges de facto maintained? Prof. Eli Salzberger examined the patterns of rulings of Justices temporarily nominated to the Supreme Court in his study entitled "Active Nominations in the Supreme Court and Judicial Independence: a Theoretical Analysis and Empirical Findings. (Mechkarei Mishpat 19, pp.541). He performed a statistical comparison of the judicial independence of various groups, including temporary nominees to the Supreme Court who were later appointed to permanent seats in the Supreme Court, and temporary nominees who were not. Results: Independent Justices are the ones who win permanent nominations Salzberger found that judicial independence is a good predictor of permanent nomination of temporary Justices to the Supreme Court. Judicial independence of acting Justices from the government and lower courts Judicial independence may be measured by the percentage of rulings issued against the government and the percentage of lower court rulings overturned. Prof. Salzberger found that the acting justices who were later appointed to permanent seats were more likely to grant petitions against the government. ( 12.4% of HCJ petitions were granted ). In civil appeals, there is a significant gap between the percentage of cases in which appeals were accepted and the rulings of lower courts overturned by temporary Justices who later earned permanent seats (26.5%) and those who did not (18.1%). The acceptance of appeals to the HCJ expresses independence of the government, and the percentage of lower court decisions overturned is a measure of judicial activism. Lack of judicial independence of the temporary Justices from the permanent Justices An additional sign of substantive judicial independence is the percentage of minority opinions of Justices. The writing of a minority opinion by a temporary acting Justice displays independence of the other Justices on the bench. Prof. Salzberger’s study did not find any significant differences between the minority opinions of temporary Justices assigned permanent seats, and those who did not eventually win seats. Conclusion: Independence of the Government but not of the remainder of the Justices Salzberger’s results for Israel were similar to the results of a similar study in England (see E. Salzberger and P. Fenn "Judicial Independence: Some Evidence from the English Court of Appeal" 42 The Journal of Law and Economic (1999) 831) and E. Salzberger "The Judges of the English Court of Appeal: Public Law Decision-Making Characteristics and Chances of Promotion to the House of Lords" Handbook of Global Legal Policy (Stuart Negel ed., M. Deder, 2000) 223, showing that judges who display independence of other branches of government improve their chances of promotion. However, independence of the other Justices, including the writing of minority opinions or separate majority opinions did not correspond to increased chances of promotion to permanent Supreme Court Justices. |
